Equality
About 180 years ago, in the
early 1830s, Alexis DeTocqueville, a French aristocrat, came to the
United States to watch a democracy being constructed from scratch. A
new country was being built by immigrants mostly from western Europe.
They were indebted to their home countries but were also much more
independent in constructing a new society than were the Europeans who
remained behind.
This country, DeTocqueville
found, was obsessed with the idea of equality. Because all were
equal, everyone's decision had the same weight. Everyone was entitled
to participate in collective decision-making. Decision-making was
democratic and everyone was busy participating. DeTocqueville keeps
commenting on the "hustle and bustle" of American life.
Everyone came to meetings; between meetings everyone was talking
about local improvement projects or issues of national policy. A new
country was being built and everyone participated.
The level of participation in
our country has changed a great deal for many different reasons. But
obviously equality is still a major concern, witness the struggle for
racial equality, for gender equality and now for equal treatment
regardless of sexual preferences. Equality is not only a central
theme of our national life. It remains a continuing challenge. We all
know that.
But equality does not only
promote democracy, it also promotes conformism, the strong pressure
for everyone to have the same opinion, to live their life along the
same patterns, to embrace the same values and opinions. The high
value placed on equality producers the tyranny of the majority.
Wherever there is a disagreement over policy, over morality, over the
rules governing individual behavior, the majority will feel justified
in criticizing and rejecting what a minority of citizens believes.
The high value placed on
equality
therefore moves us in contradictory directions. On the one hand, it
encourages everyone to participate in public affairs. On the other
hand, it disenfranchises any views which are not those
of the majority.
This pressure for conformity in
America used to be a topic of public conversation. Sinclair Lewis
documented it in novels such as
Main Street
(12920) and Babbit
(1922). During
the 1950s a number of widely
read books like The
Man in the Gray Flannel Suit occasioned
much public complaint about the pressures for conformity.
Interestingly
enough that concern about the pressure to conform was quite
halfhearted. While conformism was a topic of public conversation,
conservatives conducted a successful campaign for rooting out
Communists and other leftists from government service, academia, the
movie industry. No one regarded this campaign to eradicate one kind
of political view as an example of the tyranny of the majority.
It
is not hard to see why the high value placed on equality produces
such contradictory phenomena. Yes, we are all equal and therefore
entitled to our own beliefs and values. But the community has a right
to not only disapprove of certain values and behaviors but also to
prohibit and punish them. While each of us has the right to shape our
lives as we see best, our community has the obligation to prohibit
certain kinds of behavior. Molesting small children, defrauding
unsuspecting investors with securities that are worthless,
overworking and underpaying one's employees and many other
destructive behaviors are unacceptable and should be punished.
But
that only intensifies the internal contradictions of an egalitarian
society. As a group we have an obligation to protect our children, or
to protect the elderly against fraudulent investment counselors. Is
the rooting out of communists a legitimate exercise of community
self-government? What about the laws passed in many states which
defined marriage as between one man and one woman? When is a
community exercising its political rights at legislating acceptable
behavior and when is it illegitimately imposing the opinions of the
many on smaller groups who have a perfect right to choose for
themselves how to act and how to live?
This
is the dilemma a country experiences when it values equality above
everything. DeTocqueville proved himself very perceptive when he
identified this dilemma.
At
the same time the problem is not insurmountable. In a democracy
public debates not only concern the policy issues of the day, but
also the very
meaning of equality.
Specifically, citizens must decide in what respects we are all equal.
The Tocqueville, for
instance,
speaks in laudatory terms about "universal suffrage" in the
United States, oblivious to the fact that, at the time, only white
men were allowed to participate in political decision-making. We have
since then, after a great deal of conflict,--a good deal of it
bloody-- decided that everyone, irrespective of race or gender,
should be able to vote and run for political office. Similarly, what
areas constitute a person's private domain, and what areas are to be
regulated and supervised by public authorities, must be decided by a
people which allows everyone equal rights of political participation.
The central task equality
imposes on all of us is to define what that equality means which we
regard as so important.
Many Americans ranging from
ordinary citizens to presidents and their cabinet members do not
understand this. High government officials from the United States
regularly travel abroad and urge other countries to adopt an
electoral democracy like ours. But if we took the idea of equality
seriously, surely we would understand that other countries must
decide for themselves how they will govern themselves. That is what a
democratic stance demands. But we act as if equality meant that
everybody must be like us, that we must all be the same.
It
is time for us to be serious about equality and to acknowledge that
it allows different people to lead their lives in different ways. We
can all agree that terrorism is an unacceptable policy choice. But we
must recognize that electoral democracy is not for every one. If we
value democracy we must allow others to govern themselves, and to do
that in ways of their own choosing.
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