Free Speech Confusions
The murder of French journalists
that worked on the magazine
Charlie Hebdo is totally
unacceptable.
Public reactions, as reported in the
media, seem perplexed in the face of such violent anger at
cartoonists lampooning Islam and Muslims. But why is such anger so
difficult to understand? Suppose the targets were Jews,
African-Americans, or women victims of rape? Suppose the targets were
Americans? What would public opinion in the US be if Charlie
Hebdo had
published cartoons about 9/11 or about the Marathon Bombing in
Boston?
Surely, in that case, our anger
would also been violent. But
in our Western context killing people who do not imminently threaten
your life is clearly wrong whether you are offended by what they say,
about how they conduct themselves, or what they stand for. It is also
against the law. ( Here we begin thinking about Michael Brown in
Ferguson or Eric Garner. The parallels with the present case are
thought provoking.)
Some public reactions reminded us
that it is good to laugh, even at sacred cows. But what if the sacred
cow is something that moves you deeply, that you treat with the
utmost respect, that is as close to your heart as anything?
A lot of people talk as if these
murders had to do with free speech. The
First Amendment has to do with efforts on the part of the government
to squelch critical opinions. We regard that as illegal. But we
regard it as illegal only under carefully limited conditions. You may
not, under penalty of the law, shout “Fire!” in a crowded theater
where there is no fire.
In recent years we have adopted laws
against “hate speech,” against speech that incites to violence,
against speech that humiliates and insults persons for being women,
Black, disabled, Native American.
But, if you think about this for a
moment, you can see how difficult these matters are. On the one hand,
we want to be able to utter opinions even if they are unpopular, even
if they offend powerful persons.
Consider the case of Steven Salaita,
appointed last summer to a teaching job at the University of
Illinois, Urbana-Champain. In the last moment, Salaita was informed
that the Chancellor would not submit this appointment to the Board of
Trustees as bureaucratic rules demanded. The reason: Prof. Salaita
had tweeted intemperately during the latest attack on Gaza by the
Israelis. Since the leadership of the University of Illinois
disapproved of these tweets, the job offer to Prof. Salaita was
withdrawn.
Most people—unless they were
fanatic Zionists—would react with outrage to this case because we
believe that citizens should be able to express their political
opinions even if the opinion or the passion with which the opinion
was expressed offends others. We should all be able to say what we
believe, as long as doing so does not incite to violence or produce
imminent harm in some other, serious way. We should not be punished with unemployment for our political views.
But now think of Rep. Steve Scalise,
of Louisiana, who in 2002 addressed a meeting of a
group associated with the
KKK. A number of people have recently criticized him for this. He
has apologized, but the Congressional Black Caucus, among other
groups, is not satisfied with that. Giving a speech to a white
supremacist group that has, for a very long time harassed, including
lynched, African-Americans certainly gives the appearance of taking
sides with the white supremacists against Black citizens. An elected
Congressional Representative should represent all voters in his
district, not only the supremacist whites.
Here the inclination is obviously to
censor a political stand taken by a politician. They too have the
right to express their opinions freely but, on the other hand, since
they are elected to represent all voters in their district we expect
them to use good judgment in choosing their associates, including
what groups to address.
Considering these two cases, side by
side, shows very clearly how fraught with controversy and uncertainty
free speech issues are. We want speech about politics, religion,
matters sexual to be protected. But we also want everyone to be
thoughtful and restrained in using those rights. While abuse of free
speech rights does not license killing anyone, of course, Americans
have always been quite willing to persecute and prosecute people
whose political opinions they regarded as potentially harmful to the
survival of our republic.
In 1947, a number of screenwriters
refused to testify before the House Un-American Affairs Committee
trying to find out about Communist influence in Hollywood. One of
them, Dalton Trumbo, who authored several Oscar-winning films, lost
his job in Hollywood. His political position was punished by taking
his job away. During those years, that appeared perfectly acceptable
because the country was in the grip of a hysterical fear of
Communists and “subversives.” Ten years or so later, firing
Trumbo seemed to many liberals an abuse of free speech rights and
Trumbo was reinstated.
Questions of free speech are
complicated and in many cases, most of us have difficulties deciding
whether a certain speech was justified or should be suppressed. Our
assessment often depends on the affiliations of the person making a
judgment as well as, as Trumbo's experiences show, on the most
powerful public opinion of the moment.
But it, of course, also depends on
who the target of political speech is. Charlie
Hebdo made fun of
“muslims.” But there are no muslims-in-general. In France where
they constitute about 5 – 6% of the population and a sizable number
of them are French citizens, they tend to be poor, unemployed and
uneducated at much higher rates than white French citizens. They are,
in other words, a vulnerable group.
One would have thought that they
deserve some extra protection against being publicly ridiculed. They
deserve protections even if groups of “radical” Islamists commit
murder in their name.
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